Gershon Baskin

Sooner or later

21.01.2016

Gershon Baskin. Photo: Otmar Steinbicker

Even if you accept the widely made Israeli contention that there is no Palestinian peace partner, one cannot deny that Israel faces threatening strategic realities which require a proactive Israeli answer. The main theme coming out of the three-day Institute for National Security Studies conference held this week in Tel Aviv is the lack of clear, coherent Israeli initiatives for facing these threats. Whether the primary threat facing Israel is Hezbollah and the Iranian alliances or the Palestinian issue, practically all the experts and politicians who spoke at the conference said that alongside the threats there were almost opportunities, none of which were being effectively exploited by the current government and prime minister. The criticism came from military experts and officers, members of the opposition as well as from within the government and the prime minister’s own party.

Israel and many of its neighbors today share a common cause in limiting Iran’s power and influence, preventing the expansion and infiltration of Islamic State (IS), and in fighting terrorism – either Shi’ite or Sunni. All of the so-called moderate Sunni states are facing the same threats Israel faces, and that has enabled an under-thetable coordination and some cooperation in security and intelligence sharing. Israel’s relationship with all of those states, with the exception of Jordan and Egypt, cannot expand much beyond what already exists because of the non-resolution of the Palestinian issue. Even though the issue of Palestine no longer appears in the headlines around the Arab world, it remains in the consciousness of the Arab street and Israel’s policies in the West Bank and toward Gaza appear every day in people’s living rooms from satellite television stations all around the region.

Those pictures are not pretty and never paint a positive image of Israel.

The nonexistence of any Israeli political initiative in this area is perplexing given the opportunities that the common threats have created. The cold peace with Jordan and Egypt could become a lot warmer if Israel presented to them an initiative for dealing with the Israeli- Palestinian conflict that would break out of the bilateral paradigm that most Israelis believe has been exhausted.

Broader regional opportunities for creating solutions that would provide for better security arrangements within a future Palestinian state are at the base of what an Israeli initiative should include. Part and parcel of creating a better security reality through wider regional cooperation is the expansion of economic possibilities and opportunities for fostering a more stable and prosperous Palestinian economy. All of this opens avenues for discussing a possible Palestinian-Jordanian confederation and regional intra-Arab agreements and mechanisms for bringing Gaza into those arrangements within the framework of a demilitarized Palestinian state.

Israel’s path toward widening the circle of overt and direct cooperation with the Gulf States, including Saudi Arabia, is through the inner circle regional initiative of working with Egypt and Jordan in bringing the Palestinian leadership to the table and resolving the core issues.

All the regional parties will accept and support Israel’s demand that implementation of agreements and security arrangements be conducted over time and that Israeli withdrawal from territories be linked to monitored and verified performance in achieving real security, demonstrated governance and advancing economic growth in those territories.

Sooner or later the Israeli public will awaken to the reality that the threats to Israel so expressively articulated and magnified by the prime minister remain without any real answers. IDF Chief of Staff Maj.-Gen. Gadi Eizenkot in his INSS speech spoke extensively of the need to provide Israelis with security and with the sense of security. Today the existence of both is questionable not because of any failures of the IDF, the Shin Bet (Israeli Security Agency) or Mossad, but due to the lack of strategic decisions and directions from the government and prime minister.

These are not only my words but also those of Naftali Bennett, Yair Lapid, Gideon Sa’ar and INSS director-general Amos Yadlin, former head of IDF intelligence, as well as many former senior officers who spoke at the conference.

(Interested readers can visit the INSS webpage for more information on the many excellent and informative sessions held during the conference).

During the 2014 war known as Operation Protective Edge I repeatedly spoke on Israeli television of the need for an Israeli initiative based on the kind of regional cooperation outlined above to ensure that as a result of all of the days of fighting in Gaza both Israel and the Palestinians would end up with a strategic outcome in the weakening of Hamas. I was told on- and off-air that no such initiative was possible while the troops were fighting. I did not agree then as I don’t agree now. I proposed that the best time for an Israeli political regional initiative was exactly while the fighting was on. Some of the government ministers whom I had the opportunity to meet and debate on television said that such an initiative would come after the war was over. Hamas kept Israel at it for 51 days and after a year-and-a-half there is still no political regional initiative. Sooner or later the Israeli public will realize that their government has failed them. Israel has always claimed that the Palestinians miss no opportunity to miss an opportunity. Well, the same can easily be said about the government of Israel, especially the government of Benjamin Netanyahu.

Gershon Baskin ist Autor des Aachener Friedensmagazins www.aixpaix.de. Seine Beiträge finden Sie hier


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Beiträge von Gershon Baskin
2016

De-risking peace - Part I

The Left is right

The French connection

The United Nations and Israel’s legitimacy

A moment of opportunity

The darkness of our times

Addressing the core

The worst negotiations, the best negotiations

Palestinian turmoil and Israeli interests

This one is for you - the Palestinians

Palestinian suffering makes no sense for Israel

Creating a compelling vision for peace

It is also in our hands

Sooner or later

There is no partner

There is no partner

2015

Yes, it is difficult to make peace

What does he really want?

To those who oppose Israeli-Palestinian peace

Israel – my sad home

Have I got news for you

It is still not too late for peace

Netanyahu, tell us what you really think!

The partnership challenge

The binational reality that we are experiencing

Abbas is still the leader who can make peace

A new intifada?

After Abbas

The distance between here and peace and security

Doing the wrong thing at that wrong time

The one and only solution!

Yeshayahu Leibowitz was right!

The disengagement – 10 years on: What we choose to forget

Needed - a new approach to Gaza

A bad agreement is better than no agreement

Obviously no peace now, so what then?

Ramadan Kareem!

Israel’s strategic choices regarding Gaza

Anti-normalization hypocrites

FIFA, soccer and the Palestinians

Both sides now

It’s time for Palestine

The citizens’ challenge – from despair to hope

We have the chance to do the right thing in Yarmouks

The world is not against us

This is what you voted for, and this is what you will get

The no decision elections

A cautious peace, but peace nevertheless

For the sake of Israel, Netanyahu must be sent home

Going ballistic even prior to an agreement

To the new IDF chief of staff, Gadi Eisenkot

The Peace Bridge

The choices we must make

Israeli elections – It’s not about the economy

Threats and security

2014

Returning to negotiations

Our most important elections

The missed opportunities

We want peace, but they don't

Our future is in our hands

Defining who we are

Unlike religious wars, political wars have solutions

Today and tomorrow

If we had a real leader

Jerusalem of peace, Jerusalem of war

No tango going on at all

The Gaza challenge

Is Hamas prepared to end this war with a long-term ceasefire?

The end of the ceasefire, the renewal of war and the end game

The aftermath

Some thoughts this morning

Regional forum for security and stability – Gaza first

After a long phone conversation with a Hamas leader in Gaza

Don’t destroy Gaza, build it!

Framework document for the establishment of permanent peace (part 3 of 3)

Framework document for the establishment of permanent peace (part 2 of 3)

Framework document for the establishment of permanent peace

Palestinian refugees in Syria

Annexing the West Bank – a catastrophic plan for the Jewish people

Mutual and reciprocal recognition

Our Palestinians, their Jews

A very personal statement on peace

2013

Contextual reciprocity

Negotiating atmospherics

My Conversation With Hamas

Ramadan Kareem

Wahrheit, Lügen und Rechtmäßigkeit

Kauft palästinensisch!

Rat für den Präsidenten

Keine Fortsetzung des Unilateralismus!

Diesen Weg müssen wir einschlagen!

Die Kluft im Umgang mit den israelischen Arabern schließen

2012

Eine Ein-Staat-Realität ist nicht durchführbar

Strategische Fehler und Herausforderungen

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Das Ende des Raketenbeschusses aus Gaza

Die Aufgabe eines Staatsmannes

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Was Abbas Israel sagen sollte

Obama, gestatte es uns nicht!

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